Background of the research study

Time and again data has shown that the Women Labour Force Participation has been extremely low in India (PLFS). These drastic differences in the participation rate, despite the rising economic growth raises concerning questions. In addition, the Muslim participation in the workforce has been low in comparison to their population as well as other religions (Sachar Committee Report, 2005). Adding the above two situations, the Muslim women participation in the formal workforce would only become worse as the numbers fall even more. The author has narrowed it down to formal employment as two-tiered workforce exists, and while the permanent workers are on a decline, the number of contract workers increase leading to growing informalisation of the formal sector. 

Given that Bhopal has a history of Begums ruling from 1819 to 1926, who worked for women’s education and took certain administrative decisions – this low participation of young Muslim women from Bhopal becomes important for scrutiny. 

Methodology

The author has used snowball and purposive sampling methods to find interviewees and has conducted 25 in-depth interviews of Muslim women from Bhopal. These women fall in the age group of 18 – 35 and have been born and brought up in Bhopal. While some continue to work in Bhopal, others have moved outside in lieu of their higher education, job and marriage. 

Key findings 

The findings that have emerged include looking at Muslim women through their intersectional position of gender and religion, in order to analyse their experiences at workforce. Muslim women’s aspirations, how these choices have been shaped in the background of class, gender and religion is the second pertinent theme. 

The author has also attempted to understand the meaning Muslim women derive from paid work, beyond fulfilling the economic needs. Next, the internal and external challenges faced by Muslim women have been brought forth – within home and at the workplace respectively. These include domestic norms at home, responsibilities and restrictions post- marriage and hiring bias, toxic bosses and harassment at the workplace (Mhaskar, 2018). 

Finally, the author has shown how the Muslim women wearing Hijab often face this discrimination more as they are ​‘visibly Muslims’ and are often perceived as being ​‘oppressed’, ​‘backward’ and ​‘not having a choice’. To gain an understanding of the practice of Purdah and what it means, the author has drawn from Kirmani’s work on deconstructing and reconstructing ​‘Muslim women’ through Women’s narratives and have extended the argument in the workplace. Finally, a minor theme which emerged is how these Muslim women negotiate by avoiding or fighting, given this complexity of norms, as well as discrimination at workplaces.

Research reflections

These themes have to be consciously seen in the light of the current political situation in India where Muslims are increasingly marginalised and Muslim women are a minority amongst minorities.  The author pushes for the need to listen and capture the multifaceted experiences of Muslim women to understand their experiences, instead of assuming their position in the society.

Way forward 

-Need of structural changes in norms, traditions and practices

-Education and translation of it to employment

-Sensitisation on religious identities at the workplace 

-Building support network for Muslim women

-Bringing forth voices of Muslim women

About the researcher

Durrain Desnavi is an alumni member (MA in Development, 2023 – 25), Azim Premji University. She presented a paper that she developed out of her Winter Field Project at an international conference (as described above). This paper was selected for a symposium on ​“Advancing Humanitarian Innovation on Gender, Displacement, and Islamic Philanthropy” organised by the University of Birmingham. The presentation can be viewed here. You can find additional details about the symposium here. 

Image used for representational purpose only.